The Road to Chulumani
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the_road_to_chulumani.flv
Images
Topics
Health: Narcotics
Human Development: Agriculture, Capacity Building, Land, Poverty
Human Rights: Indigenous Rights, Race Politics, Social Exclusion
Peace and Conflict: Arms & Military, Conflict, Conflict Resolution
Politics: Activism, Ethics & Value Systems
Project Geography
International: South America
Identity Niches
Budget
Raised to date: $ 57,500.00
Estimate to complete: $ 225,000.00
Total Estimated Budget: $ 282,500.00
The budget numbers above are accurate as of 01/08/2009
Status
Production
Media Type
Video
Project End Use
TV
Key Personnel
Rick Tejada-Flores
Producer/Director
Rick Tejada-Flores Bio
Rick Tejada-Flores is a documentary filmmaker with 38 years of experience in the film and television industry. He started as an Associate Filmmaker on NEWSROOM, KQED TV’s pioneering daily news program. After working as an editor for KGO TV, he created films for the United Farmworkers Union. He served as Unit Manager and Production Supervisor for KNBC Burbank, and then went on to direct the Latino Consortium at KCET Los Angeles, where he created the national series PRESENTE! He has served as General Manager of KALW FM in San Francisco, and as Program Director for KCSM in San Mateo. He is currently on the faculty of the Californa State College East Bay in Hayward.
As an independent filmmaker, his works have appeared on PBS, cable, and in the Smithsonian Institution. Among his credits are Si Se Puede!, Low ‘N Slow, the Art of Lowriding, Rivera In America, Elvia, the Fight for Land and Liberty, Jasper Johns Ideas in Paint, The Fight in the Fields, Cesar Chavez and the Farmworkers Struggle, The Good War and Those Who Refused to Fight It, Race is the Place, American Encounters, Caminante and Orozco Man of Fire.
His awards include —
For The Good War:
John O’Connor Award, American Historical Association
Erik Barnouw Award, Organization of American Historians
best documentary, Ojai Film Festival
Special jury award, Moab Film Festival
Honorable mention Columbus International Film Festival
Honorable mention, Ann Arbor Film Festival
For The Fight in the Fields:
CINE Golden Eagle
Gold Apple, Natl. Ed. Media Network
Best Documentary, San Antonio CineFestival
Golden Plaque, Chicago Intl. Film Festival
Gold Medal, Charleston International Film Festival
ALMA award, National Council of La Raza
Joady award, The Working Group.
For Spreading Beauty Wherever I Go:
Gold Apple, Natl. Ed. Media Network
Golden Gate Award, SF International Film Festival
For Rivera In America:
Best TV Documentary, National Latino Film & Video Festival
For Sí Se Puede!:
CINE Golden Eagle.
Other honors include the James Phelan Award for Video Art, and a residency in video at the Rockefeller Conference Center in Bellagio Italy.
Vicente Franco
Cinematographer
Among Franco’s many credits are The Summer of Love (American Experience), Thirst, The New Americans, Matters of Race, Everyday Heroes, Discovering Dominga, Daughter from Danang (Academy Award nominee), Orozco, Man of Fire, Race is the Place, The Good War, The Fight in the Fields, In Search of Law and Order, and Freedom on My Mind.
Quique Cruz
Composer
Mr. Cruz is the leader of the latino fusion jazz trio Quijerema (www.quijerema.com). He is one of the directors of the documentary film, Archeology of Memory, which features his original compositions. He composed the score Tinta Verde, for the documentary film Pablo Neruda, Presente!, and collaborated with noted film composer Mark Adler on the documentary film The Fall of Fujimori.
Outreach/Engagement Plan(s)
These components will include a major interactive website where the public can explore in greater depth the issues presented in the film, read transcripts and colonial documents as well as extended interviews from the film and selections from the works of the participating scholars, view galleries of historical images and additional video clips created from the project, participate in a dialogue with the scholars, contribute their own perspectives on Bolivia and use links to a wide range of other resources. The site will also include a moderated online discussion forum on Bolivian history and culture. I am planning to make use of a wide range of other internet possibilities, including video sharing and social networking sites, video on demand, and blogs.
The project will also use traditional outreach approaches including working with Latin American solidarity networks, promotion through scholarly organizations like the Latin American Studies Association (LASA), bilingual education organizations, etc.
Funders
| Name | Amount | Date | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Berkeley Film Fund | $ 10,000.00 | 07/01/2009 | |
| San Francisco Film Society | $ 2,500.00 | 06/01/2009 | |
| Latino Public Broadcasting | $ 35,000.00 | 01/01/2008 | |
| Latino Public Broadcasting | $ 10,000.00 | 01/01/2006 |
Location(s)
1286 61st
Emeryville, 94608
See Google Maps
Short Synopsis
A documentary film that takes viewers on a historic road trip through three centuries of Bolivian history. It explores my family's involvement in the slave trade, the Chaco War, and connections with Nazi war criminals.
Description/Treatment
The Road to Chulumani
My father’s family came from Bolivia, the second poorest country in the hemisphere after Haiti. But the Tejadas weren’t poor peasants; they were part of the country’s wealthy elite. My grandfather imported a marble staircase from Paris for his La Paz townhouse. My father didn’t come to here as an undocumented worker, he was sent to study at Cal Tech.
When I was growing up in California, being Latino was defined in terms of Mexican American culture and politics; Santana and La Causa, La Raza Unida and Mecha, El Teatro Campesino and Aztec dancing. I knew about the Chicano Moratorium, where three people were killed, but almost nothing about the Chaco War where 90,000 died during my grandfather’s tenure as President of Bolivia. I knew about the desperate conditions of farmworkers, but had only heard vague references to my family’s past as slave owners.
It wasn’t until I was 55 that I finally decided to visit Bolivia for the first time and try to make sense of my family’s past, how it shaped Bolivia and made me who I am today. This film will be a record of my journey back in time, along a road of memories and historical exploration that parallels the road from La Paz to Chulumani, the sleepy capital of the Yungas region where my family had its estates.
Telling the story of my family is much more than a personal exploration. Our story is emblematic of the entire continent. Telling it is reveals how the basic structures of Latin American society have evolved from the time of the Conquest to the present, and how conflicting cultures and traditions have survived despite the inequalities of the political process
With its hairpin turns and vertical drop-offs, the road to Chulumani is considered one of the most dangerous roads in the world. But the devils that I will confront along the way are personal ones— the legacy of my family’s involvement with slavery, their involvement in pointless wars, and tantalizing clues to their connections with Nazi war criminals.
My first stop on the road is a stone castle called El Chaco. The name means “small farm,” but it also refers to the desolate area that Bolivia lost to Paraguay in 1936. My grandfather, Jose Luis Tejada Sorzano, who had been elected Vice President in 1932, had the difficult task of bringing the bloodiest war in Latin American history to an end when President Salamanca was deposed by a coup. During the war Don Jose Luis built this extravagant stone folly alongside the new road to Chulumani, which was built by Paraguayan prisoners of war. Today El Chaco is a semi-abandoned bed and breakfast. Across the road, an old man recalls the patron (boss) fondly, remembering how he helped those who lived on his land and worked for him. Another view is offered by a land reform official, who reminds me that although some owners were kind, the peasants who worked for them were essentially indentured servants.
As I lean on the castle’s rickety balconies, my thoughts are pulled back to the war that consumed the nation over 70 years ago. Now I am transported to the arid landscape of the Chaco itself, where my father, the President’s oldest son, served as a military telegraph operator. I walk the abandoned battlefields and military museums, talking with old men about their memories, as flickering archival images recall the grim conflict. One veteran sums up the experience: “There was comradeship, and a little happiness; but in the end war is war — you kill and you die.”
One of the reasons put forward at the time for the war was the talk of vast oil reserves that Standard Oil had discovered in the region. In fact, my grandfather had been impeached (and acquitted) by the Bolivian Senate a few years earlier, on charges of accepting bribes from Standard Oil. But when the war ended there was no oil to be found. The real reason for the war may have been the age-old one of distracting the population from more pressing problems — things like poverty and Indian suffrage. The universal disillusionment with the Chaco War echoed the negative reactions to World War I, two decades earlier. The generation that fought in the Chaco would eventually create a social revolution in 1952 that would strip my family of its lands and influence.
Moving down the road again, I arrive at Tiquimpaya, a former family estate dating back to the colonial era. Its main crop was coca, the sacred plant of the Andes, a plant that kills hunger and gives strength — and is now processed to make cocaine. The great haciendas required large numbers of workers, and in the colonial period many were African slaves. They were originally brought to Bolivia to work in the silver mines of the altiplano, the desolate highlands. But few could survive the altitude and the cold, so they were taken to the sub-tropical valleys to work on large estates, like those of my family.
In nearby towns I meet Afro Bolivians, some named Tejada and Sorzano, who are descendants of the slaves once owned by my family. We see colonial documents from my family’s archive that trace their role in owning and trading slaves — censuses, reports of disobedience and escapes. Pedro Andaveriz, the son of a famous Afro Bolivian hero of the Chaco war, explains that people of African descent are nearly invisible in Bolivia today, even lower in status than the impoverished Indian population.
Now I’m watching Afro Bolivians performing the saya, a song and dance form that celebrates African resistance. In La Paz, the African tradition is mocked in extravagant festival celebrations performed by Indians. We see giant grotesque figures of black people with huge lips and leering eyes. These caricatures are worlds away from the reality of the poverty-stricken Afro Bolivian communities.
In 1939 my father brought his new bride to Bolivia. My mother sent her sister in the U.S. a running commentary on her life in Bolivia, hundreds of pages written on thin onionskin paper. It offers a vivid portrait of daily life and relations between the ruling classes and the Indian majority. She described ponguaje, the debt servitude that forced Indians to work the master’s lands for free, and serve in the patron’s house for two weeks every year. Indians weren’t even allowed to vote in Bolivia until 1952, when I was 8 years old. As I read my mother’s letters I realize that not much has changed in Bolivia since she wrote them. The gaps between rich and poor, Spanish-speaking and Aymara and Quechua speaking are immense — much greater than the class and race distinctions in the U.S. There is still profound distrust on both sides in Bolivia. This was vividly illustrated when I visited one of our family’s former estates last summer. I was called in front of a hastily-assembled community meeting to explain that the patron’s family had no interest in trying to take the land back; and that even though I was a Tejada, I didn’t approve of how my family had treated them. I left realizing that the mistrust of hundreds of years couldn’t be wiped away in one encounter.
After World War Two, Latin America was flooded with European refugees, including many Nazi fugitives… people like Adolph Eichman, the architect of the concentration camps… Joseph Mengele, the vicious doctor who performed experiments on Jewish prisoners… and Klaus Barbie, the Gestapo’ butcher of Lyon,” who ended up in Bolivia. I thought I knew Barbie’s story from Marcel Ophul’s great film Hotel Terminus, which tells how Barbie was tracked down and brought to justice. I was shocked to find out recently that Barbie spent his first two years in Bolivia running a sawmill at Llojeta, one of my family’s estates in Yungas. Everyone in my family who was involved with this period is dead, so I will never know whether my family knew who was working at Llojeta.
My trip ends in Chulumani, the quiet provincial capital where my grandfather began his political career almost 100 years ago. In the plaza people are discussing the latest moves by Evo Morales, elected in 2006 as first Indian President in Bolivian history. Morales has focused on redressing the inequalities of five hundred years, and in doing so has met with tremendous resistance from Bolivia’s elites. What my family did and accomplished has been largely forgotten, even though they played a key role in bringing the country to this point.
In an epilogue, I meet with the residents of the village of Llojeta. At first they thought that I had come to take their land back. Now we discuss working together on community development projects to help them finally realize the promises made 50 years ago during land reform.

